I have, as many of you may know, been associated for a long time with the struggle in the Narmada valley against big dams and I always say that I think so much about these two valleys - the Kashmir valley and the Narmada valley. In the Narmada valley, they speak of repression, but perhaps the people don't really know what repression is because they've not experienced the kind of repression that there is in the Kashmir valley. But they have a very, very, very sophisticated understanding of the economic structures of the world of imperialism and of the earth and what it does and how those big dams create an inequality that you cannot get away from. And in the Kashmir valley you have such a sophisticated understanding of repression, sixty years of repression of secret operations, of spying, of intelligence operations, of death, of killing.
But have you insulated yourself from that other understanding, of what the world is today? What these economic structures are? What kind of Kashmir are you going to fight for? Because we are with you in that fight, we are with you. But we want, we hope that it'll be a fight for justice. We know today that this word 'secularism' that the Indian state flings at us is a hollow word because you can't kill sixty-eight thousand Kashmiri Muslims and then call yourself a secular state. You cannot allow the massacre of Muslims in Gujarat and call yourself a secular state and yet you can't then turn around and say that "we are allowed to treat our minorities badly " - so what kind of justice are you fighting for? I hope that the young people will deepen their idea of Azaadi, it is something that the state and your enemies that you're fighting uses to divide you. That's true.
[Some people in the audience: "Do you know what happened to the pundits?"]
AR: I know the story of the Kashmiri pundits. I also know that the story that these Panun Kashmir pundits put out is false. However, this does not mean that injustice was not done.
[People in audience: "Do you know how many Hindus were killed?"]
AR: I think - ok, let me continue... [part of the crowd arguing loudly].
SG: I request everyone to please sit.
AR: Alright, I want to say that, I think this disturbance is based on a misunderstanding, because I was beginning to talk about justice and in that conversation about justice, I was just about to say that what happened with the Kashmiri pundits is a tragedy, so I don't know why you all started shouting, I think it's a tragedy because when we stand here and talk about justice, it is justice for everybody, and those of us who stand here and talk about their being a place for everybody whether there's a minority whether it's an ethnic minority or a religious minority or minority in terms of caste, we don't believe in majoritarianism so that's why I was talking about the fact that everybody in Kashmir should have a very deep discussion about what kind of society you're fighting for because Kashmir is a very diverse community and that discussion does not have to come from critics or people who are against azaadi trying to divide this struggle , it has to come from within you so it is not the place of people outside to say "they don't know what they mean by azaadi, do they mean Gilgit and Baltistan, what about Jammu? What about Laddakh?"
These are debates that people within the state of Jammu and Kashmir are quite capable of having by themselves and I think they understand that. So, to just try and derail things by shouting at people is completely pointless because I think that people, the pundits in Kashmir, all the time I've spent in Kashmir, have only heard people say they are welcome back and I know people who live there, who believe that too, so all I want to say is that when we are having these political debates, I feel I have watched and have been listening to and following the recent uprising in Kashmir, the fact that unarmed people, young people armed with stones, women, even children are out on the streets facing down this massive army with guns is something that nobody in the world cannot help but salute.
However it is up to the people who are leading this struggle, it is up to the people who are thinking to take it further, because you cannot just leave it there - because the Indian state, you know what its greatest art is - it's not killing people - that's its second greatest art, the first greatest art is to wait, to wait and wait and wait and hope that everybody's energies will just go down. Crisis management, sometimes it's an election, sometimes it's something else, but the point is that people have to look at more than a direct confrontation on the streets.
You have to ask yourselves why - the people of Nagaland must ask themselves why there's a Naga battalion committing the most unbelievable atrocities in Chhatisgarh. After spending so much time in Kashmir watching the CRPF and the BSF and the Rashtriya Rifles lock down that valley, the first time I went to Chhattisgarh, on the way I saw Kashmiri BSF, Kashmiri CRPF on the way to kill people in Chhatisgarh.
You've got to ask yourself - there's more to resistance than throwing stones - these things can't be allowed to happen - "how is the state using people?" The colonial state whether it was the British state in India or whether it's the Indian state in Kashmir or Nagaland or in Chhattisgarh, they are in the business of creating elites to manage their occupations, so you have to know your enemy and you have to be able to respond in ways where you're tactical, where you're intelligent, where you're political - internationally, locally and in every other way - you have to make your alliances, because otherwise you'll be like fish swimming furiously around a fish tank bombing the walls and getting tired in the end because those walls are very, very strong. So I'll just leave with this: Think about justice and don't pick and choose your injustices. Don't say that "I want justice but it's ok if the next guy doesn't have it, or the next woman doesn't have it." Because justice is the keystone to integrity and integrity is the key stone to real resistance.